I have forced myself to read the late flood of profiles, stories and columns about Rahm Emanuel and I can confidently pronounce: they are all deadly dull. Do not read them! While they offer some insight into the workings of the Obama presidency, they’re simply not interesting. They reveal more about the media than our current political predicament.

It apparently started in February when Dana Milbank penned a Rahm-boosting column.  Then over the past week we got another pro-Rahm piece from the Washington Post, which self-consciously regurgitated the opinions of Emanuel defenders into an “emerging narrative” that we shouldn’t blame him for the White House’s political problems. And in recent days we got longer, more ambitious profiles from Noam Scheiber of The New Republic and Peter Baker of The New York Times. (If there are others, I don’t want to hear about them.)

Having read all of this, here’s the takeaway: Rahm Emanuel is loyal to Obama and a team player. He takes direction from the president and doesn’t freelance. He sometimes argues for more “pragmatic” positioning on issues, going for incremental wins at the expense of the dicier long ball. Sometimes Obama follows this advice, sometimes he doesn’t. (And on health care reform, Obama appears to have done both.) He swears a lot. He is all business. He is also 50 years old. And thin.

“At 50, Emanuel has the lean, taut look of a lifelong swimmer, with broad shoulders and distractingly prominent quadriceps.” – Scheiber

“At 50, he has the coiled energy of aides half his age, still as wiry thin as he was during his improbable days as a ballet dancer.” – Baker

Why is all of this so formulaic and un-illuminating? (more…)

Barack Obama’s early moves to co-opt former adversaries Hillary Clinton and Joe Lieberman are, at least potentially, very smart. They also signal a different way of doing business than we’ve seen in the over the past 20 years. The Bush, Clinton, and Bush presidencies weren’t just four- or eight-year stints running the government but also clannish, dynastic enterprises with aspirations for potential future presidencies, legacy maintenance, et al. They put a heavy emphasis on personal loyalty and were quick to punish even perceived slights. They had – and still have – countless retainers, hangers-on, enforcers, and supplicants willing to say or do or say anything for the team, no matter how ridiculous. Think: Lanny Davis. Or recall how Bush 41 functionary Lawrence Eagleburger’s honest appraisal of Sarah Palin was immediately followed by a humiliatingly abject and unbelievable recantation.

There’s no way to separate the dynasty factor from the pervasive, culture war-driven toxicity of presidential-level politics over the past generation. But it obviously played a role in the atmosphere of more or less constant pettiness and recrimination we’ve all been living with.

Now, of course there are Obama loyalists too, an “Obamaworld” with its own rules. But Obama has no dynastic project going. Michelle Obama is by all accounts very smart and capable, but there’s been no “two for the price of one” talk. At least for now, it’s just him. And he seems determined to move away from the politics of backbiting – something that may just work, given the gravity of the problems the nation faces.

I think/hope these conditions will create a more open, flexible political operation. Neither Hillary Clinton nor Joe Lieberman will ever be an Obama loyalist in the way you have Bush loyalists and Clinton loyalists. But, assuming Clinton takes the Secretary of State job, they will both owe him. And because the obligation is a professional one, graciously offered, to turn around and start undermining him would appear particularly graceless. (Of course, if anyone is capable of that, it’s Lieberman – we’ll see.)

The Obama approach also puts White House politics, with its usual emphasis on high drama and personalities, into perspective. It says: we’re all grownups here. We have a lot of work to do, and we need all hands on deck. If you do well, I do well, and we all come out ahead. This sounds like management 101, something you might hear on “The Office.” But sometimes cliches ring true: there really is a lot of work to do, and the stakes are higher than most of us have seen in our lifetimes. Now let’s see if the “grownup” approach really works.

It’s a great relief that Hillary Clinton has endorsed Barack Obama with eloquence and force, and urged her supporters to vote for him. I know this is a forward-looking moment, but it’s worth noting that Clinton was not simply running for president these past few months. She and her supporters were constantly threatening to blow up the Democratic Party in one way or another, destroying its best chance to win the presidency in recent memory. We were led to believe we’d see Terry McAuliffe doing standups outside the convention hall in Denver in full Baghdad Bob mode, Harold Ickes devising means to paralyze the convention balloting, Sid Blumenthal doing … whatever it is he does. And Hillary supporters from Florida and Michigan demonstrating in the streets. Like the famous National Lampoon cover, it was “if you don’t give her the nomination, we’ll kill this dog.” (It’s easy to see why this never drew many superdelegates – Democratic Party luminaries – to her camp.)

In Dune, the protagonist Paul Atreides gains insights into the mysterious ecology of the “spice” required for interstellar travel. He deposes the emperor of the galaxy by threatening to use his knowledge to destroy all spice mining permanently, declaring: “The power to destroy a thing is the absolute control over it.” True enough, but only if you are prepared to live with the consequences – in Paul’s case, the end of faster-than-light travel and the collapse of the galactic empire, economy, et al; in Hillary’s, an intraparty civil war and the election of John McCain. Paul was just crazy enough to do it. And now we know: Hillary’s not crazy. It was spin, a big bluff, a way to keep the talking heads yakking and wield power exceeding the electoral clout she actually had.

Hilary Rosen, a Hillary Clinton supporter, rightly identifies the broader problem with the Clinton campaign’s post-endgame maneuvering – its nature as a pure power play:

She had an opportunity to soar and unite. She had a chance to surprise her party and the nation after the day-long denials about expecting any concession and send Obama off on the campaign trail of the general election with the best possible platform. I wrote before how she had a chance for her “Al Gore moment.” And if she had done so, the whole country ALL would be talking today about how great she is and give her her due.

Instead she left her supporters empty, Obama’s angry, and party leaders trashing her. She said she was stepping back to think about her options. She is waiting to figure out how she would “use” her 18 million voters.

But not my vote. I will enthusiastically support Barack Obama’s campaign. Because I am not a bargaining chip. I am a Democrat.

The Clinton campaign has avidly sought any political advantage at its disposal, no matter what moral compromises were involved. The philosophy is, the ends (electing Clinton) justify the means (hurting the certain nominee, and the party). No doubt, Clinton justified this to herself and her close supporters by saying that Obama couldn’t win the presidency, so the party had to be saved from itself. But that’s a dubious and self-serving judgment. In other words, the ends justify the means.

But American political parties are organized around causes and issues first, individual personalities second. We’re not in Cuba or Peronist Argentina. FDR was FDR because of what he did, not who he was. I’d wager that the vast majority of those “18 million” voters were expressing support not for Hillary, but for what they think she represents: mainly, the traditional Democratic support for the little guy in tough, uncertain economic times. The notion that Obama cannot represent them is absurd. And as Rosen notes, the attempt to exploit and leverage that support in a power play that would damage Obama whether it succeeds or fails is an insult to those voters.

Kudos to Barack Obama for running a great, and ultimately successful, campaign for the Democratic nomination. It’s an historic moment, and an exciting one.

What of Hillary? Of course, she is trying to leverage her still-considerable support to muscle the Obama campaign for the vice presidential slot, or … something. It’s not really clear what she wants, other than to wield that power and not disappear. So there is some fragile rationale for playing the game she is playing. But going forward, with Obama having clinched the nomination and with no more primaries to generate positive news for her, both the political terrain and media perceptions will turn sharply against continued intransigence. She will look ever more absurd and out of touch with reality. In a word, pathetic. And Hillary doesn’t want that.

The unity ticket probably would be an effective way to pull the party together and win votes in November. But I don’t see how it could work in practice once an Obama administration got underway.

Option one: Hillary would be marginalized and isolated and spend most of her time abroad at funerals. She wouldn’t accept this and would demand a piece of the pie as the price of being on the ticket, which means…

Option two: Hillary would be given some kind of political/policy portfolio, as she was with health care reform, or even broader powers as in the Cheney vice presidency. But Obama would have to be crazy to accede to the creation of a rival power center in the White House by installing someone with an outsized sense of entitlement, her own electoral constituency, die-hard loyalists and assorted hangers-on, among them an ex-president with a penchant for speaking his mind no matter what his handlers tell him.

Finally, a good night for Barack Obama. If you follow politics, listening to the same story day after day, accompanied by the increasingly over-the-top antics of the Clinton campaign (red-faced Bill! gas tax pander! race card! cojones! whiskey shots! nuclear option!) had become completely maddening. After all, we’ve already had our intelligence insulted by our political leaders on a daily basis for 8 years.

Worst of all were the endless, half-assed demographic analyses generated by the Clinton-Obama working class white voters vs. black voters conundrum. Virtually all of those, whether conducted with hand-wringing by Democrats or with glee by Republicans, were basically useless in anticipating the performance of the Democratic coalition in the fall or beyond. An interesting exercise, yes, with some possibly serious political implications. But as a crystal ball, specious.

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